Exposing Extremism in Elections | Summer 2024
Executive Summary
The Exposing Extremism in Elections report documents how extremist narratives, once largely relegated to the fringe, are making inroads into mainstream politics, specifically electoral campaigns. The report highlights campaign communications that employ narratives and rhetoric crafted by extremist movements and the political hard right. While some candidates in the dataset may have connections to SPLC-designated hate and antigovernment groups, this report does not seek to classify them as extremists. Instead, it shows how extremist rhetoric and narratives have seeped into mainstream politics and are now being peddled in electoral campaigns.
The report analyzes a snapshot of campaign communications from candidates at all levels of office issued in March and April 2024. In total, we analyzed 136 campaign communications from 108 different candidates. Communications from candidates for federal office are most common (43%), followed by state-level candidates (37%), and candidates for local office (20%).
More than half of the campaign communications come from candidates in either the Southeast (31%) or Southwest (25%). One hundred eighty-four extremist narratives are represented in the 136 communications, demonstrating how extremist ideologies frequently overlap and reinforce one another in campaigns. Forty-three hate and antigovernment groups are represented among the candidates for office. In many cases, a single candidate is connected to multiple organizations. Three candidates represented in the dataset were prosecuted for their involvement in the Jan. 6, 2021, insurrection.
The analysis of campaign rhetoric from 2024 shows:
- White nationalist ideology is being laundered through campaign rhetoric that targets multiple marginalized communities, most notably immigrant, Jewish and LGBTQ+ communities.
- Anti-LGBTQ+ ideology animates rhetorical attacks on public education.
- Christian supremacist rhetoric reinforces antigovernment conspiracies and advances an agenda to diminish bodily autonomy of pregnant and LGBTQ+ people.
- Election fraud conspiracies and constitutional sheriff ideology are predominant components of antigovernment rhetoric in 2024.
While the report covers a broad spectrum of electoral rhetoric, it is not exhaustive. The goal is to capture a sample of narratives and demonstrate the influence extremists are having in the 2024 election cycle. The narratives tracked are tied to extremist ideologies monitored by the SPLC’s Intelligence Project and correspond with rhetoric weaponized against marginalized peoples and communities. In turn, this data shows a notable footprint of extremist narratives being perpetuated by candidates in American elections and the threat posed to multiracial, pluralistic democracy.
- Rhetoric derived from white nationalist ideology is the single largest category of extremist campaign rhetoric (about 28.4% of cases).
- In more than two-thirds of cases (68.8%) when anti-immigrant, antisemitic or anti-LGBTQ+ narratives appear in campaign rhetoric, the language is derived from white nationalist ideology like the “great replacement” conspiracy theory, scapegoating of Jewish people for white social or political grievances, and the demonization of LGBTQ+ people.
- Anti-immigrant rhetoric is the second largest category of extremist campaign rhetoric (about 20.3% of cases).
- Of the anti-immigrant rhetoric, claims of a migrant “invasion” (78% of cases) and the U.S.-Mexico border being “flooded” with immigrants (13% of cases) are the most common.
- When candidates employ anti-immigrant rhetoric, it frequently occurs in conjunction with anti-LGBTQ+ rhetoric (about 10.8% of cases), anti-student inclusion rhetoric (18.9% of cases) and antigovernment conspiracy theories (about 10.8% of cases).
- Explicit anti-Muslim tropes were less prevalent and sometimes coded as candidates sought to paint pro-Palestinian protesters as terrorists and continue a trend of faux hypersensitivity to antisemitism by employing antisemitic tropes about George Soros.
Of the anti-immigrant rhetoric examined, many of the claims were of a migrant “invasion” happening and the U.S.-Mexico border being “invaded” and “flooded” with asylum seekers. Migrant “invasion” and “invader” rhetoric feeds into larger “great replacement”-style conspiracy theories that suggest mostly nonwhite immigrants are flooding the U.S. and pose a cultural threat to the dominant culture and white demographic. Anti-immigrant, white nationalist and neo-Nazi groups tracked by the SPLC often deploy the same “invasion” and “invader” rhetoric used in candidates’ communications. The rhetoric has repeatedly been linked to gun violence targeting Black and Brown people in the United States.
At all levels of public offices, candidates couched “invasion” ideas with other rhetoric claiming this to be part of an intentional and coordinated effort to erode border security and admit migrants as part of a nefarious plot to prioritize them over U.S. citizens, a common strain of replacement-style thinking. Such rhetoric included:
- Falsely claiming the migrant “invasion” is being “orchestrated” by the Biden administration.
- Saying that the current situation at the border is the result of Biden’s “failed” policies and the border being “flooded” on purpose.
- Saying the Biden administration’s goal is to “prioritize” migrants over U.S. citizens in an act of “betrayal.”
- Candidates promising to “end” the invasion and restore border security if elected.
White supremacist ideology is laundered through anti-immigrant and anti-LGBTQ+ rhetoric. Nearly three-quarters (72.2%) of rhetoric tracked stemmed from white supremacist ideology. This rhetoric frames immigrants as invaders and a foreign threat and LGBTQ+ people as a threat to society. It tracks with broader fearmongering around the alleged threats these communities pose to the dominant culture and population that is steeped in white supremacy. One candidate, Darrell McClanahan III, who was an “honorary” member of the Ku Klux Klan and League of the South, two SPLC-designated hate groups, vowed to oppose the “Foreign invasions of America.” The same candidate also promised to end the “Evil Indoctrination in our Public Education System and in America” and “The Woke Agenda,” according to his campaign website.
There was significant overlap between candidates who pushed anti-immigrant narratives also peddling anti-LGBTQ+ rhetoric and anti-student inclusion narrative as well as antigovernment conspiracy theories as part of their campaign. At least three candidates with ties to the hate group Proud Boys peddled rhetoric fearmongering about the federal government becoming tyrannical as well as “critical race theory” and diversity, equity and inclusion showing up in school curricula.
Of the candidates’ communications tracked, anti-Muslim rhetoric and tropes were low, representing about 1.6% of cases. This signifies the opportunistic shifting of extremist campaign narratives from previous election years when overt anti-Muslim rhetoric was more pronounced. Instead, in the wake of the Oct. 7, 2023, Hamas attack on Israel, American anti-Muslim campaign rhetoric is sometimes coded with a small number of observed candidates painting pro-Palestinian protesters as terrorists. Still, notable anti-Muslim rhetoric that was documented included:
- Claiming the repeal of the Trump-era Title 42 policy is giving way to unvetted migrants who may be on the terrorism watch list now entering the country, creating a “situation” worse “than we were on 9/11.”
- Framing Muslims as a foreign threat and calling to “ban travel from dangerous Muslims countries.”
- Lamenting the phrase “radical Islamic terrorism” being stricken from discussions around the Sept. 11, 2001, terrorist attacks as part of a greater “radical leftist agenda” in public school curricula.
- Candidates (about 1.1% of all cases) opportunistically using the Israel-Hamas war as a wedge issue, including framing protests in support of the Palestinian people as “pro-Hamas” and anti-American.
- More than one-third of the campaign communications we analyzed invoked either anti-LGBTQ+ ideology (about 19.1% of cases) or anti-inclusive education (about 18.0% of cases) – a subcategory of antigovernment ideology.
- In 41.1% of cases in the dataset, examples of these two narratives appear together.
- Candidates frequently claimed children are being indoctrinated by “Marxism” or “wokeism” in public schools (60% of cases involving anti-inclusive education rhetoric) or “sexualized” by school officials including teachers (36.3% of cases).
- In more than half the cases (55.5%), the candidates using these narratives were either endorsed by or affiliated with hate groups like Gays Against Groomers or antigovernment groups like Moms for Liberty.
Of the anti-LGBTQ+ narratives, the most common depict LGBTQ+ people as threats to children, society or public health (58%). Of the anti-inclusive education narratives, the most common falsely claim public schools indoctrinate children into “Marxist” and “woke” ideologies (60%).
At all levels of public office, candidates in the dataset who use this rhetoric typically called for stopping the “war on children” and “safeguarding children” from threats posed by LGBTQ+ people or from teachers. Candidates often:
- Falsely claim transgender athletes pose threats to cisgender girls in school sports.
- Conflate sex education and books about LGBTQ+ people with pornography.
- Make conspiratorial claims that children are being targeted, unwittingly “transed,” or “sexualized” by unionized teachers spreading “gender ideology” in public schools.
- Demand governments respect “parental rights” – an ambiguous frame traditionally used by segregationists that has been reinvigorated by far-right movements to oppose anti-racist education and establish policies that jeopardize the well-being of LGBTQ+ kids.
The considerable overlap we identified in the anti-LGBTQ+ and anti-inclusive education narratives show that pairing these two rhetorical devices gives candidates a way to both frame a public policy problem (i.e., threats to children) and advocate for authoritarian government interventions to address the problem. Specifically, anti-LGBTQ+ narratives frequently occur in campaign rhetoric alongside calls for banning or even burning books; eliminating the federal Department of Education; eliminating diversity, equity and inclusion programs; and banning social and emotional learning curricula in schools.
Candidates Repeat Pseudoscientific Claims to Dismantle LGBTQ+ Health Care
- More than one-third (38.2%) of anti-LGBTQ+ narratives invoked false and harmful pseudoscientific claims about LGBTQ+ identity and LGBTQ+-affirming health care.
- Rhetoric includes conspiracies and graphic rhetoric falsely equating LGBTQ+ health care with “child mutilation” and pathologizing LGBTQ+ identity while promoting pseudoscientific “cures.”
Anti-LGBTQ+ pseudoscience has infiltrated domestic and international politics, spurred by a far-right cottage industry dedicated to its proliferation. Candidates in U.S. elections are building campaign messages on false claims about LGBTQ+ identity and health care.
Consistent with the increase in laws banning gender-affirming health care for young people, for example, campaigns using anti-LGBTQ+ rhetoric appear to lean equally into narratives that falsely suggest permissive state governments are allowing doctors to “mutilate” or “sterilize” children (11.1% of cases), that LGBTQ+ identity can be cured through therapy (11.1%), that transgender identity is a phase (11.1% of cases), or that transgender identity spreads in public places and online through “social contagion,” like a disease (3% of cases).
In addition to fueling bans on LGBTQ+ health care, similar pseudoscientific rhetoric is helping fuel authoritarian policies including banning reproductive health care, limiting travel for LGBTQ+ and reproductive health care, and creating invasive monitoring regimes for tracking pregnancies, menstruation and LGBTQ+ health care.
The next section addresses Christian supremacist rhetoric in 2024 campaigns and its intersections.
- Nearly 11% (10.9%) of election narratives in the dataset use Christian supremacist language that advocates replacing American constitutional and legal traditions with Christian theology or ultra-conservative interpretations of the Christian Bible (85.7% of cases) or characterizes political opponents as actual demons (14.2% of cases).
- Roughly equal proportions of election narratives are derived from male supremacist ideology, which seeks control of women and pregnant people (7.6%) or draws on antigovernment and other far-right conspiracy theories (7.1%) such as QAnon conspiracies, fears of ceding U.S. sovereignty to “globalist” forces, or fears of government confiscating guns.
- More than three-quarters of the time (85.7% of cases), male supremacist rhetoric appeared in the dataset alongside Christian supremacist rhetoric to advance attacks on abortion, instrumentalizing abortion as a mechanism of control over pregnant people and their bodies.
- About one-quarter (23%) of the time that conspiracy propaganda was used by campaigns, it appeared alongside Christian supremacist language about the work of actual demons to suggest “dark forces” have infiltrated the media, education systems, and government and are intent on replacing “true” American beliefs and values.
- In more than one in 10 cases (15.6%), candidates using Christian supremacist narratives or promoting conspiracy propaganda are affiliated with hate or antigovernment groups.
Almost two-thirds (63.1%) of Christian supremacist rhetoric in campaigns referred to the concept of “fetal personhood” – a legal argument grounded in conservative Christian theology used to outlaw abortion and allow states to regulate pregnancy, including banning in vitro fertilization and contraception.
Nearly equal proportions of the conspiracy propaganda in campaigns appeared alongside anti-LGBTQ+ (21%), anti-student inclusion (21%) and anti-immigrant (28%) narratives to suggest LGBTQ+ people, “woke” educators, and immigrants, respectively, are party to the conspiracy to replace “true” American culture.
Candidates using Christian supremacist narratives or conspiracy propaganda in the dataset are most frequently associated with Proud Boys (two occurrences), National Socialist Movement, Gays Against Groomers and Moms for Liberty (one occurrence each).
- About one-in-five (19.5%) campaign communications use antigovernment and election denial conspiracy theories or stem from constitutional sheriff ideology.
- Of these categories of campaign rhetoric, the most common are alleged election fraud, unsecure elections, and ideas mirroring the “Big Lie” (41.6% of cases).
- Sheriff candidates who use constitutional sheriff rhetoric are affiliated with the antigovernment Constitutional Sheriffs and Peace Officers Association (CSPOA) in 42.8% of cases in the dataset.
Candidates pushed campaign rhetoric in line with antigovernment conspiracy propagandists. 7.14% of campaign communications fit into this category. This rhetoric included ideas that the U.S. government is becoming tyrannical and is capitulating to “globalism.” Other rhetoric touched on the state and federal government being too overzealous, especially when it comes to gun safety and land usage. Narratives that showed up in campaign messaging included:
- Claiming the U.S. federal government is using “fear and chaos” to drive citizens to accept its “totalitarian” and “pagan New World Order.”
- Saying a new world order is being driven by the World Economic Forum (WEF), which resulted in calls to “destroy the WEF.”
- Pushing the ideas of the U.S. government being tyrannical and ignoring the rights of its citizenry, especially when it comes to the Second Amendment, with one candidate saying they are “against ALL Federal and state gun laws.”
- Calling for county supremacy over the federal government and that the U.S. government is overreaching with land ownership.
There was noted overlap between antigovernment conspiracy theories and anti-immigrant, anti-LGBTQ+, and anti-student inclusion narratives espoused by candidates. In past major election cycles, the SPLC Action Fund tracked candidates pushing QAnon conspiracies and other ideas that cultural institutions are being infiltrated by dark forces.
Instead, candidates pushing antigovernment conspiracy theories also peddled anti-student inclusion ideas (about 15% of cases) like public schools indoctrinating with “woke” ideology and so-called “anti-American” ideas around diversity, equity and inclusion.
Anti-immigrant narratives were present among those peddling antigovernment conspiracy theories (21.2% of cases), including claiming the U.S. government is intentionally failing to “stop the flow of illegal immigrants” into the country.
Constitutional Sheriff
Of candidate communications tracked, 4.3% adhered to extremist constitutional sheriff ideology, or used campaign rhetoric that aligns with the ideology.
- Candidates for sheriff said they would refuse to enforce laws they view as “unconstitutional,” an idea with roots in the Christian identitarian principle of “posse comitatus” (the power of the county), which also typically holds sheriffs to be the ultimate law of the land.
- Rhetoric also included a distrust of the federal government, including claims of government “overreach” and that the federal government is failing to preserve the rights and safety of its citizens.
- One candidate described themselves as a “constitutional sheriff" during a candidate forum.
- 50% of candidates using rhetoric derived from constitutional sheriff ideology have connections to the extremist groups Constitutional Sheriffs and Peace Officers Association and Idaho Constitutional Sheriffs.
Election Fraud Conspiracy Theories
8.1% of candidate communications analyzed pushed conspiracy theories of election fraud, unsafe ballots, and “Big Lie” narratives that suggest the 2020 election was rigged. This includes:
- Supporting efforts aimed at “decertifying the fraudulent 2020 presidential election,” in support of Donald Trump being the winner.
- Claims of ongoing “election fraud” as evidenced by Trump losing the 2020 election.
- Saying the Jan. 6, 2021, Capitol insurrection was justified and lamenting the arrests of rioters as overzealous.
- Conspiracy theories that ballot drop boxes are “less secure and ripe for voter fraud” and that “ballot harvesting” and ballot “mules” have become an issue.
- Claims of mail-in voting and absentee ballots being part of a way to “cheat” in an election.
Illustrations by Ben Jones